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January 31; The year 2016 has seen Pakistan’s 
  Quality of Democracy slide by 4 percentage points from 2015. Instead of a steady 
  transition towards improvement, democracy scores in Pakistan, year after year 
  since 2013, show a somewhat tumultuous trend – while quality of democracy 
  was scored at its highest in 4 years at 54% in 2013; the scores slid 10 percentage 
  points in 2014 to 44%, regained a little to 50% in 2015 to have slipped again 
  to 46% at the end of year 2016.1 
PILDAT’s annual assessment report on Quality 
  of Democracy in Pakistan has stated that ‘it was hoped that 2016 would 
  be the year where Pakistan moves forward towards a positive democratic consolidation 
  through crucially required reforms in key democratic institutions. Instead, 
  the year saw little, if any, improvement in fundamental functioning of key democratic 
  institution. This rendered these institutions largely ineffective in resolving 
  systemic issues behind concerns such as Panama leaks, elected Government’s 
  inability to exercise its constitutional writ on national security and foreign 
  policy domains, and it’s evident failure and perhaps even reluctance in 
  institutionalizing consultative decision-making process. What’s more, 
  the system of democratic governance, once again, failed to even raise amongst 
  its various institutions vital concerns plaguing the country’s journey 
  to peace, equitable growth and prosperity, let alone focus on resolving those 
  to improve the country’s democratic present and future’. 
Amongst the problematic areas for Pakistan’s 
  democracy, an uninspiring performance by the country’s Parliament and 
  Provincial Assemblies continues. Especially the National Assembly continues 
  to be sidelined as a forum for debate, discussion and resolution of national 
  issues. Perhaps this is also because there is a huge gap between voters’ 
  expectations of their elected representatives, which includes work that should 
  ideally be carried out by elected members of the Local Governments, and the 
  MNAs’ actual responsibilities of representation, oversight and legislation. 
In addition, major reforms are required in strengthening 
  both the architecture and effective use of the powers of oversight of the Executive, 
  transparency and accessibility of the Legislatures and an in effective Parliamentary 
  budget processes.  
With regards to performance of National and 
  Provincial Governments, a consistent lack of institutionalization in decision-making 
  on has continued to be a problem in 2016 as well. Consider the Federal Cabinet, 
  which is supposed to meet at least 52 times in a year, but could only manage 
  to meet 6 times during 2016. 
With regards to performance of the Judiciary, 
  PILDAT’s assessment stated that ‘with regards to cases of a 
  civil nature, there is a need to introduce various kinds of alternative dispute 
  resolutions methods. On the other hand, with regards to criminal cases, there 
  is a need to reform the criminal justice system, along with improving the investigation 
  and prosecution services.  However, 2016 has passed without institution 
  of major reforms in the legal process despite the clock ticking on expiry of 
  the 21st Constitutional Amendment’. 
On independence of media, PILDAT’s assessment 
  has noted that revenue from advertisements is the primary monetary source for 
  all forms of media outlets in Pakistan leading these providers of advertisements 
  to have a huge influence on those outlets.  
With regards to Local Governments, it was observed 
  that it is a positive development that they have been instituted across the 
  country in 2016, except for in FATA, GB and AJK. However, it needs to be seen 
  whether the powers guaranteed by Article 140-A of the Constitution have been 
  devolved to the third tier as was the intent of the Constitution. This only 
  seems to be the case in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, whereas the Local Government structures 
  in Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan, Cantonment Boards and ICT remain a cause of concern 
  with regards to their autonomy and devolution of powers. 
In civil-military relations and democratic oversight 
  of the security sector, 2016 saw the civil-military imbalance deepen further 
  as the Military leadership seemed to be taking the leading role on matters of 
  national security and certain domains of our foreign policy, with the elected 
  Government appearing to act as an auxiliary. However, in an important development 
  and milestone in Pakistan’s democratic journey, a change in Military command 
  was witnessed at the end of November 2016, even though rumours continued to 
  support the contrary. 
Internal Democracy of Political Parties continued 
  to be a liability for the quality of Pakistan’s democracy during 2016 
  as well. Even though there were some positive developments to report, such as 
  the intra-party elections of the PML-N, which were undertaken as more of a mechanized 
  ritual, and the establishment of the MQM as an indigenous party, rather than 
  being a satellite run from London, no substantial improvement was noticed. In 
  fact, a major set back was observed particularly for the PTI, which was supposed 
  to be a role model for other political parties when it came to internal democracy. 
  The party’s cancellation of intra-party elections, allegedly because of 
  its agitation campaign was a significant setback with regards to internal democracy 
  of political parties in Pakistan. Therefore, as noted before, the major political 
  parties with significant electoral success, such as the PTI, PML-N and PPP continued 
  to be lengthened shadows of their leaders, with little or no institutionalized 
  decision-making in place within the parties on important policy matters.  
   
On performance of the unelected executive/bureaucracy, 
  it was noted that especially with regards to the civil service, including the 
  police, that these crucial arms of functioning of State do not have the same 
  independence that is observed in the case of the Military. Unfortunately no 
  reforms were instituted in this regard during 2016.  
  
The complete report titled Assessment of the 
  Quality of Democracy in Pakistan, 2016 may be accessed at: 
  http://www.pildat.org/Publications/publication/Democracy&LegStr 
  /AssessmentoftheQualityofDemocracyinPakistan_2016.pdf  
The Urdu translation of the Executive Summary 
  of the Report may be translated at:  
  http://www.pildat.org/Publications/publication/Democracy&LegStr 
  /AssessmentoftheQualityofDemocracyinPakistan_2016_urdu.pdf 
   
References: 
1. PILDAT’s Assessment of the 
  Quality of Democracy in Pakistan, 2016 is a report 
  is based on data analysis and scores compiled on the eleven parameters of the 
  Pakistan-Specific Framework, an indigenously developed framework by PILDAT to 
  assess the quality of democracy. These parameters comprise of Performance of 
  Parliament and Provincial Legislatures; Performance of National and Provincial 
  Governments; Performance of the Unelected Executive; Performance of the Judiciary 
  and Access to Justice; Performance of the Media; Institution of Local Governments; 
  Constitutional Framework; Democratic Oversight of the Security Sector and Rule 
  of Law; Electoral Process and Management; Performance of Political Parties vis-à-vis 
  Democracy Within as well as Outside and performance of  the Civil Society.  |